Have the Kurds Abandoned All Hope of a Stable Iraq?

Energy Intelligence Note: 1 May, 2007

Salman Banaei recently published an analysis of Iraq’s draft Oil & Gas Law in the Association of International Petroleum Negotiator’s March issue of "Advisor" (also available via his Western Energy Blog). He shows how the draft law allocates control over production from “current” fields to the Iraqi National Oil Company, and that regional governments retain control over “undiscovered” fields. While regional governments can sign contracts with international oil & gas firms, the draft law ensures federal oversight by requiring approval of these contracts by Iraq’s Federal Oil & Gas Council (FOGC).

Recent events in Kurdistan, however, suggest that the Kurds may have other plans. UAE-based Dana Gas announced recently that they have agreed with the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) to develop the Kormor gasfield (see graphic). The Kormor Field clearly falls under the draft law’s envisioned federal control, as it is a “current” field, discovered in 1928. The contract has not received FOGC approval, and it breaks the KRG’s promise to avoid signing new contracts until the end of May, to give the federal government time to pass the Oil & Gas Law.

What does this signify? It seems that the KRG is not satisfied with the division of gas fields between federal control (“current” fields) and regional control (“undiscovered” fields). This “current” vs. “undiscovered” designation seems to have little basis in geological reality, but rather is the political gloss given to the apportionment of existing fields, which is detailed in an annex to the draft law. Petroleum Intelligence Weekly reports that the KRG will reject the law if this annex remains as is. The decision to contract for development of the Kormor Field with Dana Gas prior to the official vote on the law suggests that the KRG believes the annex will not be changed, and that the law will not pass the end-of-May vote.

While none of this should come as a shock—Iraq is a sham Nation-State where mutually exclusive minimum requirements by the component national groups will prevent cooperation—it does carry significance. The prospects for a military solution in Iraq are as slim today as ever, and this failure to bridge the competing demand of Iraq’s many nations suggests that a political solution is no more likely. This reality may not seriously deter oil & gas production in the Kurdish region, where there is relative unity and security, but it will likely present a geopolitical barrier to developing the highly theoretical reserves of Iraq’s Western Desert. Furthermore, while it may be possible for the KRG to produce from their oil & gas fields, their export market is highly limited—the pipeline through Syria is non-functional, and the Turkish government is unlikely to help their rival with a viable export channel. The most viable market for Kurdish oil & gas is Iraqi domestic consumption, but reaching this market requires relying on a handful of critical pipelines that are frequent targets of insurgent attacks. It may be impracticable to market any increase share of oil & gas that the KRG may be able to exploit. Will this fact alone be enough to force them to compromise on their short-term selfish interest to form a viable Iraqi state that will benefit them in the long term by way of a valid export route? Is a willingness by the Kurds to compromise enough to bring together the rest of Iraq’s disparate factions in a similar spirit? Probably not—and the Kurds have probably considered exactly these issues in arriving at their decision to go it alone with regional production. Probably a wise choice for the Kurds, but an ominous sign for the future of the figment of Colonial Cartography that we call Iraq.